Friday, 13 February 2015

Wings for a slogan

Wings for a slogan

Narendra Modi's Make in India pitch for defence has to cross the gulf between intent and action
Sandeep Unnithan   |    |   February 12, 2015 | UPDATED 11:31 IST
 
DassaultFrench warplane maker Dassault is showcasing three rafale fighter aircraft at Aero India in Bengaluru.Prime Minister Narendra Modi will not be flying in a Rafale fighter aircraft, a defence spokesperson said in New Delhi on February 7. The statement was in response to speculation that Modi would soar in the French warplane over Bengaluru during the country's biggest defence exhibition which he will inaugurate on February 18. The air show, the spokesperson added unconvincingly, was not linked with any acquisition plans of the armed forces.
This statement was issued possibly because there's a refocus on Aero India 2015, where 623 defence firms from 33 countries will participate. It is set to become the largest platform for Modi's Make in India project, larger even than the iron lion tableau that floated down Rajpath on Republic Day.
The import conundrum 
India is a net importer of security. It imports 64 per cent of its weapons for $20 billion a year, a fact that would suit, say, a sheikhdom with vast petrodollar reserves. But it is a dubious distinction for a country that seeks a permanent seat in the UN Security Council and is projected to be the world's third largest economy by 2024.
Modi's aggressive pitch for Make in India in the defence sector aims to liberate the country from this distinction.
Yet, indigenous capability is a mirage the Ministry of Defence (MoD) has chased for decades. Each successive installment of the air show since 1996 has only revealed the fledgling status of India's military aviation sector-a giant public sector monolith, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, with 19 production facilities, towers over a tiny private aerospace sector.
A 2013 survey by Q-Tech Synergy and the Confederation of Indian Industry assessed the maturity scale of India's aerospace industry and gave it 2.7 points out of 5. The aeronautics sector, the study found, finished last behind the navy, army, missiles and electronics. The reasons for this are varied. Unlike its booming space and nuclear industry, India has been unable to create a robust aerospace industry. It has failed to master key technologies to leapfrog the value chain that culminates in indigenous fighter aircraft. Massive investments in capital and resources with no assurance of an order from the only customer, the Indian military, has made the private sector shy away from the aerospace industry.
Delays in indigenous programmes and sluggish decision-making in the MoD have slowed down the modernisation programmes of the armed forces-the army has struggled to buy a replacement for its 1970s vintage Cheetah helicopters for over a decade; the air force says it urgently requires 126 Rafale fighters from France because the indigenous Light Combat Aircraft has not come in numbers to replace the obsolete MiG-21s. The requirements are building up.
The capability gap is willingly filled by foreign manufacturers. The US, for instance, has become India's largest hardware supplier in the past three years through rapid, off-the-shelf sale of the C-17 Globemaster-III heavy lift aircraft, P-8I Poseidon aircraft and C-130J Super Hercules transport aircraft worth over $10 billion. These have enhanced the capabilities of the Indian armed forces but not benefitted the Indian Aerospace Industry.
A 2014 study by Ernst & Young said India's armed forces will buy defence hardware worth $250 billion (Rs.15.5 lakh crore). Nearly half of this will be aerospace platforms such as combat aircraft, drones and helicopters for the three armed forces and the coast guard. Most of them will be imported.
The 'Make in India' showcase
Since last year, the defence ministry has taken steps to put domestic industry in the driver's seat. It has unveiled a host of programmes characterised as 'Buy and Make in India' where the Indian industry, both private and public sector, can form technology partnerships with foreign companies. Two big-ticket contracts include 440 utility helicopters for the three armed forces at a cost of roughly Rs.12,000 crore and 56 transport aircraft to replace the vintage Avro at a cost of Rs.18,000 crore. Aiding this are a host of policy measures such as a 49 per cent hike in FDI and financial support for indigenous manufacturers.
Dassault, France's fighter aircraft manufacturer whose $25-billion deal is still being negotiated, will be a test case for the Make in India project. The Rafale beat five other contenders to emerge as the final choice for the Indian Air Force's requirement for 126 fighter aircraft in January 2012. But to date, Dassault is negotiating a tricky liability clause with the defence ministry. The manufacturer is reluctant to certify the 108 aircraft that will be licence-built. The bigger challenge will be to absorb 50 per cent of the contract value as 'Offsets' from domestic supplier. Offsets were meant to kick-start an ancillary aviation industry that will bring in technology and create jobs, but have failed because foreign vendors are crippled by the absence of a robust Indian aviation industry to effectively invest their defence offsets. "Tier 1 and Tier 2 manufacturers are virtually absent and foreign vendors are unable to access them," says G. Mohan Kumar, secretary (defence production).
The US is the biggest aircraft exhibitor in Bengaluru, displaying seven of the 11 military aircraft including KC-8 flight refuelling tankers and C-17 Globemaster-IIIs.Striking the right balance 
Even as the present Make in India thrust continues, it will take our military aviation industry at least a decade to score a respectable 4 out of 5 on the maturity scale. Weeks before its rout in the Lok Sabha polls in May 2014, the UPA government received a classified report on India's aerospace industry. A committee headed by Air Marshal M. Matheswaran, the then deputy chief of Integrated Defence Staff, recommended that the government develop a dozen key technologies-from aircraft engines, sensors to raw materials and precision-guided weapons-to ensure minimum dependence in the aerospace sector. The report, presently being studied by Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, also advocates synergies between military and commercial aviation to allow the country to leverage its purchases.
Joint ventures promised by Make in India are only the first step. Industry representatives advise a shift from 'know-how' to 'know-why' to make the slow uphill climb from 'make' in India to Made in India-products where Indian firms own the intellectual property. India needs to find a right balance between meeting its immediate defence requirements and achieving self-reliance. "We are focusing on the Defence Procurement Procedure to acquire more critical technology," says Ashok Kumar Gupta, special secretary (defence production). "It is not about reinventing the wheel but knowing why and at what rpm the wheel is spinning," adds Rahul Chaudhry, CEO, Tata Power Strategic Engineering Division.
Through Buy and Make (Indian), domestic firms could move from the traditional buyer-seller relationship to joint development and co-production in the global supply chain. They could also partner in co-development and co-production for upgrades of the platforms. Firms could then develop their own aircraft or drones for the Indian armed forces. Finally, only Made in India can make a difference.
To read more, get your copy of India Today here.

A parking lot for heroes

A parking lot for heroes

Martyrs miss out on their deserved last honour as bureaucratic red tape stalls use of memorial spot
Sandeep Unnithan  February 12, 2015 | UPDATED 19:40 IST
 
Colonel Munindra Nath Rai's January 29 funeral, conducted with full military honours inside the Delhi cantonment, spared this gallantry medal winner's family an awful sight-of seeing his coffin being given a guard of honour in a shabby, nondescript car park near the Delhi airport.
This is because a small 'Shradhanjali Sthal', a reception area constructed by the army to receive the coffins of their deceased soldiers, has been declared out of bounds by the Bureau of Civil Aviation and Security (BCAS). The BCAS has cited regulations for its objections.
So for nearly seven months now, the army has made the best of an awful deal. Soldiers have descended on a derelict spot of the car park of the cargo complex of Delhi airport's Terminal 2. The area is marked by a row of abandoned garages, heaps of uncleared construction material, broken roofing and discarded liquor bottles. The spot is covered in military-style camouflage cloth and red carpets. Tables are laid out with starched white sheets to receive the body of a soldier from the Northern Command, who like Colonel Rai, would have been killed by militants. The call of bugles, the slap of rifles being lifted to salute the coffins and the crunch of boots resound in the brief, solemn ceremony. Wreaths are placed on behalf of the army chief, the Western Army commander and the general officer commanding, Delhi area. The casket is then escorted back inside the air cargo complex from where it is flown out to the soldier's family. This is how the army has received the bodies of at least 26 battle casualties over the past few months.
The Shradhanjali Sthal for army martyrs.Objections from the BCAS, the Civil Aviation ministry department responsible for aviation security, have ensured that the reception area built for Rs.32 lakh on a 625-sq-m plot remains locked and unused since its completion in August 2014. The small memorial features five white coffin table plinths covered by a concrete canopy and set against a black granite wall, a lawn and two waiting rooms.
The airport ceremony and the memorial spot have its origins in the patriotic fervour that surrounded the Kargil War of 1999 in which over 500 Indian soldiers were killed. It was on the orders of then civil aviation minister Rajiv Pratap Rudy that the construction of a memorial spot near the Air India cargo terminal was started.
However, this small reception area was abandoned when Air India shifted its cargo operations to the then newly built complex at Terminal 2 in November 2010. The ceremonies continued to take place outside the airport even as the army approached the authorities for a new location to receive the coffins. It was then that a spot was identified within the airport complex, adjacent to a century-old Sufi shrine on a 2,000-sq-m plot.
An army guard of honour in progress.On October 26, 2012 the army signed an agreement to lease the land for 15 years from Delhi Indira Gandhi International Airport (DIAL), the private sector consortium that runs and maintains the airport. DIAL chose to lease a small plot of land to the army for a nominal rent of Re 1 for 15 years.
Since the completion of the facility last year, army officials have engaged in a bitter war of missives with the BCAS, which controls civil aviation security and regulates the entry of all personnel into airport premises.
Rajeev ChandrasekharRajeev Chandrasekhar MP, Rajya SabhaThe BCAS has also questioned the Army's agreement with DIAL. When contacted for details, DIAL and BCAS officials declined comment. A spokesperson for the Ministry of Civil Aviation also did not return calls from India Today. Airport sources, however, say that aviation security rules prohibit ceremonies near the 'airside' of an airport, the area directly involved in the arrival and departure of aircraft. "These ceremonies began during the Kargil War, nobody opposed it then because patriotic sentiment ran high," says an official. "It's tragic that two arms of the government are fighting."
What has rankled the army so long is the fact that they haven't been allowed to use their facility even as more than 500 visitors throng the Sufi shrine it shares a boundary wall with daily. Pilgrims who frequent the graves of two Sufi saints- Roshan Khan Baba and Kaley Khan Baba are frisked by the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) before being allowed to pass through a metal detector and board special buses under armed escort to reach the spot located less than 50m from the rumble of taxiing aircraft. In Delhi, it is the closest a civilian can get to an aircraft without buying an air ticket. Moreover, most pilgrims carry flowers in plastic bags and take back food offerings in paper plates. Some consume it on the spot and discard the remains in overflowing garbage bins at the site that add to the litter.
Extremely distraught at the BCAS's bureaucratic firewall, the army suggested its honour guards and pallbearers be extended facilities offered to the pilgrims. On August 29 last year, they asked the BCAS to screen and permit 30 soldiers into the airport premises. The army even agreed to deposit 12 rifles without firing pins-a procedure that renders the weapon inert- in the custody of the CISF during the ceremony. But the suggestions proved fruitless. In letter number CAS-7(15)3/2008 Div-I dated September 9, 2014, a BCAS official responded with a terse two-line message: "Regulations do not permit the proposed ceremony and guard of honour at the airport premises."
The parking lot, where the army receives its dead, lies in ruins.Former director general of civil aviation Kanu Gohain says the controversy is needless. "The BCAS is the regulator of civil aviation security but surely in the name of security they shouldn't deprive armed forces officials the right to pay their respects to their comrades." If the stalemate continues, Gohain advises all parties- the army, airport authorities and the BCAS-to meet and decide upon a mutually acceptable spot.
"No other profession sheds blood at the nation's behest as the armed forces. That we cannot receive the bodies of these martyrs with honour is unacceptable,'' Rajya Sabha MP Rajeev Chandrasekhar said in a February 10 letter to Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, demanding that the spot be opened up to the army.
Army veterans, meanwhile, cite this as yet another case of the widening gulf between the civilian bureaucracy and the military.
"It is not right, illogical and makes no sense," says Lt-Gen Raj Kadyan, former deputy chief of the army. "Nobody cares more for security than the armed forces." This is a refrain that the army has repeated tirelessly but to no avail.
"We are trusted to guard the country's borders but cannot enter the airport complex to receive our comrades," one bitter army officer says. An irony that seems to have escaped the bureaucracy.
To read more, get your copy of India Today here.

Sunday, 1 February 2015

China to deploy range of naval ships in Indian Ocean

China to deploy range of naval ships in Indian Ocean

PTI Jan 29, 2015, 06.26PM IST
China is currently conducting…)



BEIJING: Riled by reports of the US sharing intelligence with India over movements of Chinese submarines in the Indian Ocean, China today said it would deploy "different kinds of naval ships" depending on requirements of operations and other nations "need not read too much into it".
Asked about reports that US is providing intelligence to India about movement of Chinese submarines in the Indian Ocean, Chinese military spokesman Col Yang Yujin told a media briefing here that China is deploying its naval fleet on escort missions in anti-piracy operations in Gulf of Aden and Somalia under UN resolution of 2008.
The reports of sharing submarine intelligence coincided with the recent visit of US President Barack Obama to India.
"I read the report you have mentioned. We have notified relevant countries about the escort missions of the Chinese PLA Navy ships including submarines," he said without specifying countries to whom Beijing provided information.
"In future, Chinese military will send different kinds of naval ships to take part in the naval escort in accordance with change of situation and the requirement of the task. These are quite normal activities and there is no need to read too much into them," he said without elaborating.
China is currently conducting the sea trials of its first aircraft carrier Liaoning amid reports that it plans to build three more.
It is not clear whether China plans to deploy the aircraft carrier too for anti-piracy operations.
To another question as to why China has to deploy submarines for anti-piracy operations in Indian Oceanaimed at targeting pirates, Yang said different vessels play a different role in such missions.
The deployment of Chinese submarines had raised concerns in India.
"It is true that China has sent naval ships to far-seas and conducted many operations including the naval escort and anti pirate missions," he said.
They also provide humanitarian assistance, disaster relief and search and rescue in international waters.
"By doing so Chinese navy is providing more international service helping with peace and stability in the open seas," he said.