Tuesday, 30 June 2015

Army scraps INSAS replacement tender

Army scraps the world's largest assault rifle tender

The scrapping of the seven-year quest is a setback to the Army's modernisation plans. 
Sandeep Unnithan   |   Mail Today  |   New Delhi, July 1, 2015 | UPDATED 06:28 IST

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Army has scrapped a mammoth tender to replace INSAS rifles, like the ones carried by these soldiers in J-K.


In a setback to the Indian soldier's quest for a reliable assault rifle, the Army has scrapped a four-year-old tender for purchasing 1.8 lakh weapons. In a June 15 letter to the four short-listed international firms, the Army said it was retracting the Rs 4,848-crore contract.
In 2011, the Army floated a contract to supply Multi-Caliber Assault Rifles (MCAR) for the Army and the Navy to replace the existing INSAS rifles. An initial 65,678 assault rifles and 4,680 under barrel grenade launchers were to be procured off the shelf for Rs 2,500 crore. With over 1 lakh more rifles to be built by the Ordnance Factory Board through technology transfer, it was the world's largest such rifle contract.
The scrapping of the seven-year quest is a setback to the Army's modernisation plans. Army chief general Dalbir Singh had, in January this year, identified assault rifles as one of 20 'critical requirements' including bulletproof jackets and artillery guns for the Army. The Army cannot blame anyone but itself.
The rifle quest began with the Army's unhappiness with the indigenous 5.56 mm INSAS assault rifle which entered service in the late 1990s. But the solution to the INSAS's quality issues was to ask for a weapon so expensive with specifications so outlandish that it raised questions on the Army's competence in framing General Staff Qualitative Requirements.
The Army wanted a rifle with interchangeable barrels firing different calibers, the 5.56 mm INSAS round and the 7.62 mm AK-47 round. The requirement originated in the present practice of soldiers in counterinsurgency operations using AK-47s and switching over to INSAS rifles in peace stations. Army officials say the specifications were deeply flawed.
Five international firms - Beretta of Italy, Israeli Weapons Industries (IWI), Colt Defense of the US, Ceska Zbplojovka of Czech Republic - were shortlisted. All the weapons they presented for the trials were prototypes, meaning, none of them were actually in service with their respective armies.
The contract appeared doomed right at the start in 2012 when the Army first delayed the technical evaluation of the rifles. Companies then began asking for extensions for sample submission. As of 2015, no trials of the competing weapons were conducted. A whiff of corruption accompanied the contract. It was speculated that the GSQRs were tailor-made by Army brass to favour one of the vendors.
Another concern the Army had was cost. At over Rs 2 lakh a piece, each multi-caliber assault rifle with a conversion kit cost twice the price of a regular imported assault rifle and six times the cost of a Rs 35,000 OFB-made INSAS rifle.
A General called the MCAR contract the equivalent of equipping a mass transport taxi service with Mercedes S-class saloons. Major General Mrinal Suman (retired) says the failure of the rifle contract shows the Army's deeply flawed system of framing GSQRs. "Just because you drive a car for 20 years does not give you the capability to design one.
Acquisition staff are neither trained nor equipped to select weapons," he says. Experts say it will now take the Army at least five years to acquire rifles. The infantryman's wait continues.

Monday, 22 June 2015

Veterans threaten to boycott Pakistan war jubilee

'We are not just showpieces': Veterans threaten to boycott Pakistan war jubilee over One Rank One Pension 

The Government’s stand-off with ex-servicemen over One Rank One Pension is set to turn uglier. Ex-servicemen have now decided to boycott the golden jubilee commemoration of the 1965 war with Pakistan. 
The celebrations are set to begin next month. 
“We don’t wish to be treated as showpieces, to be rolled out for ceremonies and discarded thereafter,” incensed 1965 war veteran Brigadier Harwant Singh told Mail Today. 
Defiant: Ex-servicemen have decided to boycott the golden jubilee celebrations of the 1965 war with Pakistan to protest against the delay in One Rank One Pension
Defiant: Ex-servicemen have decided to boycott the golden jubilee celebrations of the 1965 war with Pakistan to protest against the delay in One Rank One Pension
Brigadier Harwant, who saw action in the bitterest phase of the 1965 war in the Chhamb-Akhnoor sector, turned down a July 4 invitation to attend a seminar on the war organised by the Western Army Command at Chandimandir. 
The seminar is part of a series of events being held by the Army to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the war. 
The events will culminate in a felicitation of 1965 war veterans by President Pranab Mukherjee at the Rashtrapati Bhavan in October this year, which the veterans also threaten to boycott. 
“We have decided to boycott all Government functions until the Government grants us OROP. The boycott includes the 1965 war celebrations and the reception by the Supreme Commander President Mukherjee,” said Major General Satbir Singh, Indian Ex-Servicemen’s Movement’s chairman. 
Some veterans, however, questioned the wisdom of shunning an Army function. 
“We shouldn’t be cutting our nose to spite our face,” says Major General Ian Cardozo (retired), 1971 war veteran. 
“It is a war that we fought and won and we will be playing into the hands of the bureaucrats by boycotting it.” 
“We should leave Army events out of the boycott. After all, these are meant to remember war heroes,” says Lt General Raj Kadyan (retired). 
“The decision to participate or shun an event should be left to the conscience of every soldier.” 
Ex-servicemen have been on a relay hunger strike at Jantar Mantar since June 14, demanding the granting of One Rank One Pension or of equal pensions for similar ranks and the same length of service, regardless of the last drawn pay. 
The NDA had made OROP an election plank and promised to implement it if voted to power. The Ministry of Defence calculated it would mean paying out Rs 8,300 crore each year to 24 lakh ex-servicemen. 
On May 30, Prime Minister Narendra Modi tweeted that his Government was committed to OROP. 
Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar too has promised that OROP is on its way, but the veterans are distraught at the delay. 
“We have waited a decade for this, we only want them to give us a deadline,” Brigadier Harwant Singh said. 
One key obstacle to the OROP is believed to be Finance Ministry bureaucrats who say it will trigger similar demands from the central paramilitary forces. 
Veterans, meanwhile, plan to extend their boycott of Government functions to the Independence Day at-home tea party on August 15. 
There will be no Ex-Servicemen contingent at the Republic Day parade on January 26, 2016, they have warned. 
The boycott of the 1965 war celebrations is the most dramatic step since ex-servicemen surrendered their medals. 
Beginning in 2008, over 22,000 veterans deposited their medals at the Rashtrapati Bhavan to protest the UPA’s refusal to grant OROP. 
Over 10,000 medals piled up at the IESM office in Delhi after the President’s office stopped collecting medals in 2011. 
“Ex-servicemen are forced to resort to such steps because the Government has ignored their demands. The Government, particularly the bureaucracy is well versed with the issue but chooses to ignore it,” says Major General Surjit Singh (retired). 


Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-3135109/Veterans-threaten-boycott-Pakistan-war-jubilee-One-Rank-One-Pension.html#ixzz3ga4v6XyL
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Sunday, 21 June 2015

Why navy must integrate nuclear and conventional submarine projects

Why Navy must integrate nuclear and conventional submarine projects

The synergy will benefit the struggling submarine arm and give a huge boost to the Make in India programme.

 |  4-minute read |   21-06-2015




In April 1981, Marshal Nikolai Ogarkov, the visiting Soviet chief of general staff made a startling offer to prime minister Indira Gandhi. The Soviets would set up a nuclear-powered submarine fleet for the Indian Navy and would lease one nuclear submarine to train the Indian crew. Mrs Gandhi, then also the defence minister, conveyed the offer to the then Navy chief Admiral RL Pereira. The Navy chief, to the prime minister’s surprise, strongly objected. In a note to Mrs Gandhi, he said that India could not afford nuclear submarines. In what must be one of the most absurdly short-sighted statements by any Navy chief, Admiral Pereira wrote, the Soviet offer "would neither strengthen the Navy’s submarine arm nor add muscle to India’s maritime forces". Fortunately, the astute prime minister overruled him. The result is for us to see. The INS Chakra leased from the Soviet Union in 1987 laid the foundation of India’s nuclear navy. The first indigenously constructed nuclear-powered submarine, the INS Arihant, a derivative of the INS Chakra, is on sea trials off Visakhapatnam. Four more such ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs) are under construction.
Admiral Pereira’s hostility then was partially because he feared the Soviets were trying to sabotage a deal for four HDW conventional submarines that India had signed with Germany. This marked the beginning of a schizophrenia, which has continued since. The Navy has pursued a 30-year submarine building plan to build 24 conventional submarines. It is building six Scorpene class submarines in Mumbai, the first of which will join the Navy in 2016. This, even as it ran a parallel nuclear submarine programme with Russian assistance in Visakhapatnam. Like Rudyard Kipling’s Ballad of East and West, the twain have never met.
That the Navy needs more submarines is a given. It has a fleet of 14 active but ageing submarines as against a requirement of at least 24 units. The majority of existing submarines are less than a decade away from retirement.
This February, the government flagged off a proposal to build six indigenous nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs) for approximately $18 billion (Rs 1.1 lakh crore), India's largest defence project. The mammoth project was spurred in equal measure by the ominous entry of Chinese submarines into the Indian Ocean and the confidence of having perfected the Arihant’s nuclear reactor.
The Navy, meanwhile, is pushing through another $6 billion (Rs 40,000 crore) contract for building six SSP (diesel-air independent power) conventional submarines in India under the Project 75i (India) programme.
This Kipling-esque approach risks not just repeating past mistakes but also adding on new expensive ones. The separation may have begun with the obsessive secrecy surrounding the Cold War era nuclear submarine programme. The project is directly supervised by the Prime Minister’s office (PMO) and funding is independent of the defence budget. But there has been a heavy price to pay. Most of this is borne by the taxpayer.
On the face of it, both submarine types are as similar as a shark is to a piranha. A nuclear submarine can stay under water almost indefinitely and run at speeds of over 20 knots, and chase and hunt targets from enemy warships to other hostile submarines and mount distant patrols on enemy coastlines. A conventional submarine cannot stay for more than a week under water and runs at speeds of 12 knots and is useful only along sea coasts and maritime choke points. Both submarine types, however, share over 60 per cent of components like the steel, combat management systems, periscopes, pumps and auxiliary power units.
An internal navy study found it could achieve 100 per cent commonality in a majority of the onboard systems including high-pressure air compressors, hatches, fire-fighting, hydraulics, diving and surfacing control systems.
In short, most of everything but the nuclear power reactor that imparts the SSN its lethal edge. Yet, the Arihant class submarines share nothing in common with the six Scorpene class conventional submarines which India has been building since 2005 as part of a $3 billion (Rs 18,000 crore) project. The Scorpene is entirely of French origin. The Arihant uses a mix of indigenous and Russian systems.
With the Project 75i that will import technology from foreign shipyards, this story is set to continue. The project will be Indian only in name. It will add a fourth type of conventional submarine to the naval fleet presenting a nightmare in training, equipment and management of spares inventory. This is as opposed to a truly "Make in India" SSN that will feed off technology developed indigenously for the Arihant programme, generate over a million skilled jobs, and, in the words of one private sector defence manager, have a force multiplier effect of $40 billion on the Indian economy.
Combining P75i with the SSN programme will only multiply that effect. Common procurements of steel and components will dramatically reduce costs.
Commonality will also ensure adequate order quantities for various niche high technology systems and fewer problems of inventory management, spare parts stocking and maintaining a diverse repair and refit infrastructure.
Have your say. You can comment here.It will both strengthen the submarine arm and add muscle to its maritime forces and boost the economy by saving billions in foreign exchange.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of DailyO.in or the India Today Group. The writers are solely responsible for any claims arising out of the contents of this article.

Friday, 12 June 2015

Missing Coast Guard Dornier went into steep dive

Exclusive: Missing Coast Guard Dornier went into steep dive

Sandeep Unnithan  New Delhi, June 12, 2015 | UPDATED 23:21 IST

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Coast Guard DornierCoast Guard Dornier.
A Coast Guard Dornier went into a steep dive before it went missing off the coast of Chennai on the night of June 8.
Coast Guard officials told India Today citing a secondary radar of Chennai air traffic control which reported that the aircraft dived from 9000 feet to 5000 feet in just 16 seconds before it went missing at 9.40 pm.
At 9.23 pm the pilot reported to the tower that he had finished his task and would land in Chennai at approximately 10.15 pm. That was the last transmission.
The Indian Navy today joined a three-day search for the missing aircraft on the Cuddalore-Karaikal coast. One P8-I Poseidon long range maritime patrol aircraft, a survey vessel INS Sandhayak and a Kilo class submarine INS Sindhudhvaj were pushed into the search effort today.
The submarine will use its sonar to listen in to the extremely low frequency emitted by one of three beacons on board the aircraft. The navy uses the submarine sonar to locate small objects on the seabed, including torpedoes. The search has been complicated by the tremendous depths in the Bay of Bengal. Ships and aircraft are searching an area where the seabed is 800 metres below the surface.
The missing aircraft was just a year old and had flown 100 hours after a one-year inspection by manufacturer Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd (HAL). It was one of a batch of 12 new Dorniers ordered by the coast guard after the 26/11 Mumbai attacks.
The crash, only the second of a Coast Guard Dornier since they were inducted in 1986, has baffled the force. The coast guard fleet of 30 Dorniers has clocked 2 lakh hours of accident free flying. The Coast Guard's most experienced Dornier pilots brainstormed at the force's headquarters yesterday to discuss what could have gone wrong. All the possible causes-engine failure or an engine falling off-were ruled out. It was piloted by two experienced Dornier pilots.
The pilot Deputy Commandant Vidyasagar had logged 2400 hours while co-pilot Deputy Commandant Subhash Suresh had 2900 flying hours on the Dornier. The observer Deputy Commandant MK Soni had 1600 hours of flying time.

Myanmar raid June 9

India wields the scalpel

The Indian Army's surgical strike cannot become a template for all cross-border operations.
Sandeep Unnithan   |    |   June 11, 2015 | UPDATED 16:09 IST

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The commandos who took part in the operationThe commandos who took part in the operation
The option to strike militant camps inside Myanmar was first discussed in an army operations room in Mantripukhri, near Manipur's capital Imphal. 
The June 5 briefing was conducted by Lt Gen Bipin Rawat, general officer commanding the Dimapur-based 3 Corps. His small, attentive audience included National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval and Army chief General Dalbir Singh. "We have to go inside Myanmar," Lt Gen Rawat said as he stood before large maps showing doz-ens of militant sanctuaries in the neighbouring country. 
The mood in the room was grim but resolute. It was less than a day after 18 armymen had been killed after militants of the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL), an National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) affiliate, ambushed their convoy 80 km away from Imphal. The army's worst single-day counterinsurgency toll in nearly three decades had shaken India's security establishment. The NSA had dropped out of the Prime Minister's state visit to Bangladesh. The army chief had cancelled a tour of the UK. The bloodbath, was, in a sense, a personal blow to both men who count years of operational experience in the North-east. 

As an Intelligence Bureau (IB) officer, Doval had played a part in forcing the Mizo National Front to the negotiating table in the mid-1980s. General Singh had overseen operations against over 70 insurgent groups as 3 Corps commander and later as Kolkata-based Eastern Army commander. The option to take the battle to the insurgent camps in Myanmar had brewed within the 3 Corps brass for several weeks.
The NSCN(K), headed by the Myanmar-based insurgent leader S.S. Khaplang, had abrogated a 14-year ceasefire with the Indian government in March. It was no empty threat. On May 4, it struck with brutal force. Unidentified militants, believed to be from the NSCN(K), ambushed and killed eight Assam Rifles soldiers. Many of the troopers were suspected to have been executed in cold blood and their bodies mutilated. A deceptively peaceful North-east was now in flames. The guerrillas carried out the raids and vanished into their sanctuaries in Myanmar across a porous, international border. Here in these camps, usually located on mountain slopes, the rebels were protected by the sheer impenetrable forest.
The 72-hour mission
The army's plan for a surgical strike into Myanmar began almost immediately after the go-ahead came from Prime Minister Narendra Modi after his return from Bangladesh on June 7. Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj was already in the loop and days before the raid, India's Ambassador to Myanmar, Gautam Mukhopadhaya, met and briefed foreign ministry officials in Naypyidaw. Myanmar had no objection to the military action, the ambassador was told. It only had a few conditions-that there should be no civilian casualties, it should be low-key and that the operation should be swiftly terminated. It was a thorny issue. India was going to target its own nationals on foreign soil. 
The operation could not have been possible without Myanmar's tacit approval. The choice of the unit was a no-brainer-the 21st Battalion of the Parachute Regiment, Para-SF for short, was the army's specialised jungle warfare unit. It had been deployed in the North-east for nearly two decades. Based in Jorhat, Assam, with teams strung across key insurgency-affected states, 21 Para-SF functioned as the Eastern Command's shock troops. 
The unit had an excellent network of local informants. Many officers and men were locals from the states of the North-east. One of the unit's best officers, a major from the North-east who had distinguished himself in operations against the NSCN(K) in April this year, was put in charge of the mission. The raid was planned with inputs that streamed in from intelligence operatives. Two camps were identified nearly eight kilometres away from the border with Myanmar. The raid was planned to maximise the chances of success. Hence it was decided to launch the two Para-SF teams along separate axes towards the two insurgent camps. 
Each camp-estimated to house between 40 and 50 insurgents- would be tackled with a classic special forces style hit-and-run raid that banked on the element of surprise Details of the raid are yet to be revealed but India Today pieced them together from officials in the loop. Mi-17 transport helicopters from the airbase at Kumbhigram were forward-based at Manipur's Imphal airport. From here they would fly the commandos across into Myanmar. IAF Searcher Mark-II drones relayed live feeds of the insurgent camps to the mission planners.
If there was anything that worried the army, it was the prospect of losing a support helicopter or having commandos captured by the guerillas. This is why the government of Myanmar had to be told of the operation.
This was not the Indian Army's first cross-border counterinsurgency operation. 'Operation Golden Bird' in 1995 saw it operating jointly with the Myanmar army to flush out NSCN and United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) guerrillas. In 2003, the Royal Bhutan Army operated with the Indian Army under 'Operation All Clear' to drive out ULFA guerrillas. But those were hammer-and-anvil operations. The June 9 raid was a classic surgical strike. A scalpel deftly wielded based on precise intelligence and against a specific target. This was the kind of strike India had considered against terrorist training camps in Pakistan following the attack on Mumbai on November 26, 2008, but abandoned because of a lack of intelligence.
Nearly 30 commandos, divided in two teams of 15 each, were flown across the border into Myanmar late on June 8. They arrived at their targets a few hours after midnight. After receiving a predetermined signal, they stormed the camps striking down the surprised guerrillas, firing short bursts from their Tavor assault rifles and PK general-purpose machine guns. "It was all over in 45 minutes," says an officer familiar with the operation. "There was no time to stay behind and count enemy casualties." 

PM Narendra Modi with National Security Adviser Ajit Doval.

In the melee of the fighting, the commandos melted into the forest back towards the border on foot, through the steaming snake and leech-infested jungle. Where it takes a night to cover a five-kilometre distance because the searing humidity means commandos have to walk slowly to avoid dehydration. It was not a problem for the 21 Para-SF men, most of whom call the jungle their second home and train for gruelling forest marches carrying up to 40 kg backpacks.
For an army often accused of being leaden-footed, this was a lightning assault. The operation had lasted 72 hours from planning to execution. "This operation illustrates a paradigm shift in the conduct of counter-terrorist operations by India," says Colonel Vivek Chadha (retired), research fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. "It represents a bold and robust approach when compared to the past."
The ripples of this operation were felt across the subcontinent, not in the very least because of the intemperate remarks made by a chest-thumping Union Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting Colonel Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore (retired), warning of such strikes against terrorists in Pakistan. The immediate fallout was an angry response from Pakistan where the Senate passed a resolution condemning "provocative and hostile statements" from India. Clearly, a lesson for the government to restrain its rhetoric.
Follow the writer on Twitter @SandeepUnnithan
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