Sunday, 21 June 2015

Why navy must integrate nuclear and conventional submarine projects

Why Navy must integrate nuclear and conventional submarine projects

The synergy will benefit the struggling submarine arm and give a huge boost to the Make in India programme.

 |  4-minute read |   21-06-2015




In April 1981, Marshal Nikolai Ogarkov, the visiting Soviet chief of general staff made a startling offer to prime minister Indira Gandhi. The Soviets would set up a nuclear-powered submarine fleet for the Indian Navy and would lease one nuclear submarine to train the Indian crew. Mrs Gandhi, then also the defence minister, conveyed the offer to the then Navy chief Admiral RL Pereira. The Navy chief, to the prime minister’s surprise, strongly objected. In a note to Mrs Gandhi, he said that India could not afford nuclear submarines. In what must be one of the most absurdly short-sighted statements by any Navy chief, Admiral Pereira wrote, the Soviet offer "would neither strengthen the Navy’s submarine arm nor add muscle to India’s maritime forces". Fortunately, the astute prime minister overruled him. The result is for us to see. The INS Chakra leased from the Soviet Union in 1987 laid the foundation of India’s nuclear navy. The first indigenously constructed nuclear-powered submarine, the INS Arihant, a derivative of the INS Chakra, is on sea trials off Visakhapatnam. Four more such ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs) are under construction.
Admiral Pereira’s hostility then was partially because he feared the Soviets were trying to sabotage a deal for four HDW conventional submarines that India had signed with Germany. This marked the beginning of a schizophrenia, which has continued since. The Navy has pursued a 30-year submarine building plan to build 24 conventional submarines. It is building six Scorpene class submarines in Mumbai, the first of which will join the Navy in 2016. This, even as it ran a parallel nuclear submarine programme with Russian assistance in Visakhapatnam. Like Rudyard Kipling’s Ballad of East and West, the twain have never met.
That the Navy needs more submarines is a given. It has a fleet of 14 active but ageing submarines as against a requirement of at least 24 units. The majority of existing submarines are less than a decade away from retirement.
This February, the government flagged off a proposal to build six indigenous nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs) for approximately $18 billion (Rs 1.1 lakh crore), India's largest defence project. The mammoth project was spurred in equal measure by the ominous entry of Chinese submarines into the Indian Ocean and the confidence of having perfected the Arihant’s nuclear reactor.
The Navy, meanwhile, is pushing through another $6 billion (Rs 40,000 crore) contract for building six SSP (diesel-air independent power) conventional submarines in India under the Project 75i (India) programme.
This Kipling-esque approach risks not just repeating past mistakes but also adding on new expensive ones. The separation may have begun with the obsessive secrecy surrounding the Cold War era nuclear submarine programme. The project is directly supervised by the Prime Minister’s office (PMO) and funding is independent of the defence budget. But there has been a heavy price to pay. Most of this is borne by the taxpayer.
On the face of it, both submarine types are as similar as a shark is to a piranha. A nuclear submarine can stay under water almost indefinitely and run at speeds of over 20 knots, and chase and hunt targets from enemy warships to other hostile submarines and mount distant patrols on enemy coastlines. A conventional submarine cannot stay for more than a week under water and runs at speeds of 12 knots and is useful only along sea coasts and maritime choke points. Both submarine types, however, share over 60 per cent of components like the steel, combat management systems, periscopes, pumps and auxiliary power units.
An internal navy study found it could achieve 100 per cent commonality in a majority of the onboard systems including high-pressure air compressors, hatches, fire-fighting, hydraulics, diving and surfacing control systems.
In short, most of everything but the nuclear power reactor that imparts the SSN its lethal edge. Yet, the Arihant class submarines share nothing in common with the six Scorpene class conventional submarines which India has been building since 2005 as part of a $3 billion (Rs 18,000 crore) project. The Scorpene is entirely of French origin. The Arihant uses a mix of indigenous and Russian systems.
With the Project 75i that will import technology from foreign shipyards, this story is set to continue. The project will be Indian only in name. It will add a fourth type of conventional submarine to the naval fleet presenting a nightmare in training, equipment and management of spares inventory. This is as opposed to a truly "Make in India" SSN that will feed off technology developed indigenously for the Arihant programme, generate over a million skilled jobs, and, in the words of one private sector defence manager, have a force multiplier effect of $40 billion on the Indian economy.
Combining P75i with the SSN programme will only multiply that effect. Common procurements of steel and components will dramatically reduce costs.
Commonality will also ensure adequate order quantities for various niche high technology systems and fewer problems of inventory management, spare parts stocking and maintaining a diverse repair and refit infrastructure.
Have your say. You can comment here.It will both strengthen the submarine arm and add muscle to its maritime forces and boost the economy by saving billions in foreign exchange.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of DailyO.in or the India Today Group. The writers are solely responsible for any claims arising out of the contents of this article.

Friday, 12 June 2015

Missing Coast Guard Dornier went into steep dive

Exclusive: Missing Coast Guard Dornier went into steep dive

Sandeep Unnithan  New Delhi, June 12, 2015 | UPDATED 23:21 IST

MAIL

PRINT

A+ A-
77 SHARES
  
Coast Guard DornierCoast Guard Dornier.
A Coast Guard Dornier went into a steep dive before it went missing off the coast of Chennai on the night of June 8.
Coast Guard officials told India Today citing a secondary radar of Chennai air traffic control which reported that the aircraft dived from 9000 feet to 5000 feet in just 16 seconds before it went missing at 9.40 pm.
At 9.23 pm the pilot reported to the tower that he had finished his task and would land in Chennai at approximately 10.15 pm. That was the last transmission.
The Indian Navy today joined a three-day search for the missing aircraft on the Cuddalore-Karaikal coast. One P8-I Poseidon long range maritime patrol aircraft, a survey vessel INS Sandhayak and a Kilo class submarine INS Sindhudhvaj were pushed into the search effort today.
The submarine will use its sonar to listen in to the extremely low frequency emitted by one of three beacons on board the aircraft. The navy uses the submarine sonar to locate small objects on the seabed, including torpedoes. The search has been complicated by the tremendous depths in the Bay of Bengal. Ships and aircraft are searching an area where the seabed is 800 metres below the surface.
The missing aircraft was just a year old and had flown 100 hours after a one-year inspection by manufacturer Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd (HAL). It was one of a batch of 12 new Dorniers ordered by the coast guard after the 26/11 Mumbai attacks.
The crash, only the second of a Coast Guard Dornier since they were inducted in 1986, has baffled the force. The coast guard fleet of 30 Dorniers has clocked 2 lakh hours of accident free flying. The Coast Guard's most experienced Dornier pilots brainstormed at the force's headquarters yesterday to discuss what could have gone wrong. All the possible causes-engine failure or an engine falling off-were ruled out. It was piloted by two experienced Dornier pilots.
The pilot Deputy Commandant Vidyasagar had logged 2400 hours while co-pilot Deputy Commandant Subhash Suresh had 2900 flying hours on the Dornier. The observer Deputy Commandant MK Soni had 1600 hours of flying time.

Myanmar raid June 9

India wields the scalpel

The Indian Army's surgical strike cannot become a template for all cross-border operations.
Sandeep Unnithan   |    |   June 11, 2015 | UPDATED 16:09 IST

MAIL


PRINT

A+ A-
27 SHARES
  
The commandos who took part in the operationThe commandos who took part in the operation
The option to strike militant camps inside Myanmar was first discussed in an army operations room in Mantripukhri, near Manipur's capital Imphal. 
The June 5 briefing was conducted by Lt Gen Bipin Rawat, general officer commanding the Dimapur-based 3 Corps. His small, attentive audience included National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval and Army chief General Dalbir Singh. "We have to go inside Myanmar," Lt Gen Rawat said as he stood before large maps showing doz-ens of militant sanctuaries in the neighbouring country. 
The mood in the room was grim but resolute. It was less than a day after 18 armymen had been killed after militants of the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL), an National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) affiliate, ambushed their convoy 80 km away from Imphal. The army's worst single-day counterinsurgency toll in nearly three decades had shaken India's security establishment. The NSA had dropped out of the Prime Minister's state visit to Bangladesh. The army chief had cancelled a tour of the UK. The bloodbath, was, in a sense, a personal blow to both men who count years of operational experience in the North-east. 

As an Intelligence Bureau (IB) officer, Doval had played a part in forcing the Mizo National Front to the negotiating table in the mid-1980s. General Singh had overseen operations against over 70 insurgent groups as 3 Corps commander and later as Kolkata-based Eastern Army commander. The option to take the battle to the insurgent camps in Myanmar had brewed within the 3 Corps brass for several weeks.
The NSCN(K), headed by the Myanmar-based insurgent leader S.S. Khaplang, had abrogated a 14-year ceasefire with the Indian government in March. It was no empty threat. On May 4, it struck with brutal force. Unidentified militants, believed to be from the NSCN(K), ambushed and killed eight Assam Rifles soldiers. Many of the troopers were suspected to have been executed in cold blood and their bodies mutilated. A deceptively peaceful North-east was now in flames. The guerrillas carried out the raids and vanished into their sanctuaries in Myanmar across a porous, international border. Here in these camps, usually located on mountain slopes, the rebels were protected by the sheer impenetrable forest.
The 72-hour mission
The army's plan for a surgical strike into Myanmar began almost immediately after the go-ahead came from Prime Minister Narendra Modi after his return from Bangladesh on June 7. Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj was already in the loop and days before the raid, India's Ambassador to Myanmar, Gautam Mukhopadhaya, met and briefed foreign ministry officials in Naypyidaw. Myanmar had no objection to the military action, the ambassador was told. It only had a few conditions-that there should be no civilian casualties, it should be low-key and that the operation should be swiftly terminated. It was a thorny issue. India was going to target its own nationals on foreign soil. 
The operation could not have been possible without Myanmar's tacit approval. The choice of the unit was a no-brainer-the 21st Battalion of the Parachute Regiment, Para-SF for short, was the army's specialised jungle warfare unit. It had been deployed in the North-east for nearly two decades. Based in Jorhat, Assam, with teams strung across key insurgency-affected states, 21 Para-SF functioned as the Eastern Command's shock troops. 
The unit had an excellent network of local informants. Many officers and men were locals from the states of the North-east. One of the unit's best officers, a major from the North-east who had distinguished himself in operations against the NSCN(K) in April this year, was put in charge of the mission. The raid was planned with inputs that streamed in from intelligence operatives. Two camps were identified nearly eight kilometres away from the border with Myanmar. The raid was planned to maximise the chances of success. Hence it was decided to launch the two Para-SF teams along separate axes towards the two insurgent camps. 
Each camp-estimated to house between 40 and 50 insurgents- would be tackled with a classic special forces style hit-and-run raid that banked on the element of surprise Details of the raid are yet to be revealed but India Today pieced them together from officials in the loop. Mi-17 transport helicopters from the airbase at Kumbhigram were forward-based at Manipur's Imphal airport. From here they would fly the commandos across into Myanmar. IAF Searcher Mark-II drones relayed live feeds of the insurgent camps to the mission planners.
If there was anything that worried the army, it was the prospect of losing a support helicopter or having commandos captured by the guerillas. This is why the government of Myanmar had to be told of the operation.
This was not the Indian Army's first cross-border counterinsurgency operation. 'Operation Golden Bird' in 1995 saw it operating jointly with the Myanmar army to flush out NSCN and United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) guerrillas. In 2003, the Royal Bhutan Army operated with the Indian Army under 'Operation All Clear' to drive out ULFA guerrillas. But those were hammer-and-anvil operations. The June 9 raid was a classic surgical strike. A scalpel deftly wielded based on precise intelligence and against a specific target. This was the kind of strike India had considered against terrorist training camps in Pakistan following the attack on Mumbai on November 26, 2008, but abandoned because of a lack of intelligence.
Nearly 30 commandos, divided in two teams of 15 each, were flown across the border into Myanmar late on June 8. They arrived at their targets a few hours after midnight. After receiving a predetermined signal, they stormed the camps striking down the surprised guerrillas, firing short bursts from their Tavor assault rifles and PK general-purpose machine guns. "It was all over in 45 minutes," says an officer familiar with the operation. "There was no time to stay behind and count enemy casualties." 

PM Narendra Modi with National Security Adviser Ajit Doval.

In the melee of the fighting, the commandos melted into the forest back towards the border on foot, through the steaming snake and leech-infested jungle. Where it takes a night to cover a five-kilometre distance because the searing humidity means commandos have to walk slowly to avoid dehydration. It was not a problem for the 21 Para-SF men, most of whom call the jungle their second home and train for gruelling forest marches carrying up to 40 kg backpacks.
For an army often accused of being leaden-footed, this was a lightning assault. The operation had lasted 72 hours from planning to execution. "This operation illustrates a paradigm shift in the conduct of counter-terrorist operations by India," says Colonel Vivek Chadha (retired), research fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. "It represents a bold and robust approach when compared to the past."
The ripples of this operation were felt across the subcontinent, not in the very least because of the intemperate remarks made by a chest-thumping Union Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting Colonel Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore (retired), warning of such strikes against terrorists in Pakistan. The immediate fallout was an angry response from Pakistan where the Senate passed a resolution condemning "provocative and hostile statements" from India. Clearly, a lesson for the government to restrain its rhetoric.
Follow the writer on Twitter @SandeepUnnithan
To read more, get your copy of India Today here.

Thursday, 4 June 2015

Manipur ambush

Manipur attack: Army sealing international border with Myanmar to trap guerillas who ambushed 20 soldiers

Sandeep Unnithan  June 4, 2015 | UPDATED 22:48 IST

MAIL

PRINT

A+ A-
80 SHARES
  
Manipur attack
Eighteen Indian Army soldiers died after their convoy was ambushed on Thursday morning by a group of unidentified guerillas in Manipur's Chandel district. The 6th battalion of the Dogra Regiment was deinducting from Moltok valley when it was ambushed. Watch Photos 
Army sources in the Eastern Command say that the ambush was carried out by 15 cadres of the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) a Meitei outfit formed in 1994.
Intelligence intercepts indicate Thursday's ambush was carried out by a self-styled 'Lieutenant' Tamba who is now headed for a village south of Tamu in Myanmar after the ambush. Army sources indicate the guerillas were equipped with rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs) and M79 grenade launcher colloquially called a 'Lathode gun'. The army has rushed forces to Chandel district to seal the border and cut off the escape of the guerillas who plan to cross Libung and head into Myanmar.
The KYKL is closely aligned to the NSCN-K that broke off a 14-year ceasefire with the government this April. Since then, it has begun activating its cadres and rebel factions aligned to it. On May 3, eight Assam Rifles soldiers were ambushed and killed by NSCN-K rebels in Nagaland. 
Thursday's ambush is the largest loss of lives in a single day since a June 28, 2003 fidayeen attack, also on a Dogra regiment unit, in Sunjwan, Jammu where 12 soldiers were killed.

China tests new waters

China tests new waters

Beijing's first-ever deployment of a submarine to Pakistan signals a new cat-and-mouse game in the Indian Ocean
Sandeep Unnithan  June 4, 2015 | UPDATED 12:22 IST

MAIL


PRINT

A+ A-
145 SHARES
  












On March 31 this year, China's deadliest conventional submarine set sail from its base on Hainan island in the South China Sea. The Yuan-class submarine '335', equipped with torpedoes, anti-ship missiles and an air-independent pro-pulsion that dramatically enhances its underwater endurance, entered the Gulf of Aden over a fortnight later. But it was 335's first port of call that caught the attention of the security establishment in South Block. On May 22, less than a week after Prime Minister Narendra Modi wrapped up a state visit to Beijing, the steel shark pulled into Karachi port. Government sources confirmed to INDIA TODAY that submarine 335 spent a week on an 'Operational Turn Around' in Karachi, military-speak for refuelling and restocking the submarine and resting its 65-man crew.
On May 28, Navy chief Admiral R.K. Dhowan told reporters in New Delhi that India was "minutely" monitoring Chinese naval activity in the Indian Ocean. He signalled the start of a new great game over the world's most important water body. If the Cold War was about NATO snooping on the Soviet Navy in the Atlantic Ocean, the 21st century is about countries keeping tabs on the Chinese navy's expanding presence through the Asia-Pacific.
It is a surveillance game where India is assisted by the United States, whose 2011 strategic rebalance towards Asia-Pacific was prompted by China's blue water ambitions. Last December, the US passed on intelligence after its drones spotted a Chinese Han-class nuclear-powered attack submarine "running on the surface" in the Gulf of Aden. Submarine 335 was likely a result of this collaboration although Indian officials declined to confirm this.
Naval cooperation is one of the cornerstones of the 10-year defence framework agreement signed between US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter and his counterpart Manohar Parrikar in New Delhi on June 3. Significantly, Carter began his trip with a visit to the Navy's eastern naval command base in Visakhapatnam, key to its "Act East" policy.
THE SINO-PAK EMBRACE
On May 26, China released its defence white paper in Beijing. Only the third such document in the past three decades, the paper signalled the People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy's breakout from "offshore waters defence" to "open seas protec-tion". The last time China ventured so far was in the 16th century when Admiral Zheng He sailed the Ming imperial fleets into the Indian Ocean.
Zheng's wooden 'treasure ships' have been replaced by sophisticated missile destroyers and, worryingly for its uneasy neighbours, stealthy submarines. Since February last year, China has deployed four submarines in the Indian Ocean, one of each major class in its fleet of 60 such vessels. Since October 2008, it has deployed its warships and submarines in 20 anti-piracy patrols, each lasting over three gruelling months.
The veneer of 'anti piracy operations' wears thin as China demonstrates its ability to protect its sea lanes of communication and interdict the enemy.
"China is determined to step up its strategic forays into the Indian Ocean region," says Brahma Chellaney, professor of strategic studies at New Delhi's Centre for Policy Research. "When Chinese submarines docked in Colombo last autumn, it became the furthest deployment of the Chinese navy in 600 years. With China now planning to sell submarines to Pakistan and turn Gwadar into a naval outpost, Chinese vessels are likely to call at Pakistani ports."
These developments were long in the making. In May 2001, then Pakistani president General Pervez Musharraf let slip at a press conference in Islamabad that the main objective of letting China develop the Gwadar port in Balochistan province was to counter India's nuclear submarines. "As and when needed, the Chinese navy would be in Gwadar to give a befitting reply to anyone," he warned. Nearly 14 years later, Musharraf's dream is closer to reality. Analysts say a naval base in Gwadar has enormous implications for over 80 per cent of India's energy supplies that flow in from West Asia. China worries about the Malacca dilemma-where 80 per cent of its oil imports flow through the narrow Malacca Strait vulnerable to naval blockades. "China has now signalled the creation of a West Asia dilemma for India," says Major General G.D. Bakshi (retired). "If you try to block the Malacca Strait in war, they will block your energy supply lines by operating from Gwadar."
The choice of the Yuan-class submarine to visit Pakistan was not accidental. On March 31, Pakistan's defence ministry officials told a standing committee of parliament that they had decided to buy eight Yuan-class submarines. The price was not revealed, but analysts estimate it will cost $4-5 billion. It is the largest defence deal between the two countries. The Pakistani navy operates a fleet of five French-built submarines, including three modern Agosta 90Bs, and hopes to field a fleet of 15 such vessels. "China's submarine building technology has been suspect and the Pakistanis would like to take a good look at the boat before buying it," says Vice Admiral Vijay Shankar (retired), former Strategic Forces commander.
This February, the Modi government signalled India's largest naval expansion in over a decade with approvals to build seven frigates and six nuclear powered attack submarines worth over $20 billion. Analysts see the submarine sale as a move by China to checkmate the growing Indian navy. G. Parthasarathy, former Indian high commissioner to Islamabad, says, "China is not only telling the world it has a strong partner in Pakistan but would like to see India's maritime capabilities directed towards countering the Pakistani navy."
Surface warships are easy to track using satellites, spy planes and drones. Monitoring submerged submarines, however, is near impossible. "We can tell where a submarine is only when it is spotted on the surface or pulls into port for an OTR," an official says.
Pakistan's submarines are still several years away from induction, but when they do arrive, it will involve greater Indian investments in anti-submarine warfare (ASW). Indian intelligence officials believe the Yuan-class submarines could become strategic force multipliers and equip Pakistan with a second strike capability or the ability to launch nuclear weapons from under the sea. Pakistan has developed the Babur land attack cruise missile that has a range of 500-700 km and was first test-fired in 2005. It is believed to be fitting a miniature plutonium based warhead on these missiles to allow them to be launched from under the sea. This would allow its fleet of submarines to practically target all of the Indian seaboard.
INDIA'S OPTIONS
New Delhi has watched the growing Sino-Pak embrace with consternation even as it reaches out to foster economic ties with China and put the contentious border issue on the back burner. Fear of upsetting China is the main reason for India resisting US attempts to get it to become more assertive in the South China Sea. "Other countries do not have such a huge disputed land boundary with China," a naval official says. This, even as China under President Xi Jingping has boosted strategic cooperation with Pakistan. "Previous presidents such as Hu Jintao resisted large arms transfers to Pakistan because they did not want to push India into the US orbit," says Major-General Bakshi (retired).
While India has been silent on the recent arms transfers, it has flagged the $46-billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) at the highest levels. The CPEC aims to build a corridor linking China's Xinjiang province with Gwadar. The 3,000-km-long economic corridor with a network of power plants and industrial areas is cause for concern because it passes through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. In a press conference in New Delhi on May 31, Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj said that Modi had taken up the issue of the CPEC during his recent visit to Beijing. In coming days, New Delhi will have to find more than harsh words to deal with this strategic alliance. 
Follow the writer on Twitter @SandeepUnnithan
To read more, get your copy of India Today here.