Saturday, 1 February 2014

UK MP takes note of India Today story on Sundown. Seeks statement in House of Commons


UK's Labour Party MP takes note of India Today story on Operation Sundown, to seek statement in House of Commons

India Today Online  New Delhi, February 1, 2014 | UPDATED 16:47 IST

Labour Party MP Tom Watson on Saturday said he wanted "an urgent statement" in the House of Commons on Monday on an India Today magazine on the role of British special forces in Operation Sundown.
The India Today story revealed how then Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi almost gave the go-ahead to a covert RAW operation, named Operation Sundown, to kidnap Sikh militant leader Jarnail Singh Bhindrawale months before she sent the Army into the Golden Temple in 1984 as part of Operation Bluestar. Also read: The untold story before Operation Bluestar
In an email, Watson said that in light of the India Today story, he was going to write to the Foreign Secretary demanding an urgent statement in the House of Commons on Monday.  Also read: The league of shadows

Friday, 31 January 2014

Operation Sundown


The untold story

The untold story before Operation Bluestar
Sandeep Unnithan  January 31, 2014 | UPDATED 00:24 IST
It was a blistering April afternoon in 1984. A white Ambassador car drove into the driveway of a modest Lutyens Delhi bungalow, 1 Safdarjung Road, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's residence. A tall bespectacled man got out. He was known only as DGS or director general security, a key official in the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) who controlled a small air force and two covert paramilitary units, the Special Frontier Force and the Special Services Bureau. Three years earlier, DGS had raised another unit, called the Special Group or sg, for clandestine counter-terrorist missions in Punjab and Assam. For the past two months, SG personnel, all drawn from the Army, had been training in secret at a base near Delhi for a critical mission.

CRPF personnel take position for the siege of the Golden temple
CRPF personnel take position for the siege of the Golden temple
DGS was ushered into the living room where a pensive Mrs Gandhi sat with a salt-and-pepper-haired gentleman wearing thick black glasses-Rameshwar Nath Kao, 66, the reclusive spymaster who had built the external intelligence agency, RAW, in 1968 and used it to train Mukti Bahini guerrillas during the Bangladesh war in 1971. He had returned to government as Mrs Gandhi's senior aide in 1981 and was now her de facto national security adviser. More important, he was a key adviser on the Punjab problem. For over two years now, India's most prosperous state had been engulfed by communal violence. A radical group of Sikhs led by a fiery religious preacher Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, 37, had declared war against the state. His motley group of armed supporters had, by 1984, murdered over 100 civilians and security personnel. The radical militant leader had then been ensconced near the Golden Temple since 1981 with his heavily armed followers, shielded by his proximity to Sikhism's holiest shrine.
DGS briefed Mrs Gandhi on a surgical mission that fell short of a military strike to evict the rebels. Operation Sundown, he explained, was a 'snatch and grab' job: Heliborne commandos would enter the Guru Nanak Niwas guesthouse near the Golden Temple and abduct the militant leader. The operation was so named because it was timed for past midnight when Bhindranwale and his guards would least expect it.
SG operatives had earlier infiltrated the Golden Temple, disguised as pilgrims and journalists, to study its layout. Then, for several weeks, over 200 SG commandos had rehearsed the operation on a wood and Hessian cloth mock-up of the two-storeyed resthouse at their base in Sarsawa in Uttar Pradesh. Commandos would rope down from two Mi-4 transport helicopters onto the guest house and make a beeline for Bhindranwale. Once they captured him, he would be spirited away by a ground assault team which would drive in. There was a possibility of a firefight with the militant leader's bodyguards and civilians who could rush in to protect him.

Mrs Gandhi's listened to the details impassively. She had just one question. "How many casualties?" Twenty per cent of the commando force and both helicopters, dgs replied. Mrs Gandhi grimaced. She wanted to know how many civilians would die. The RAW official did not have an answer. No one did. That was it. Mrs Gandhi said no and Operation Sundown died before the first helicopter could take off.
Just two months later, Mrs Gandhi ordered the Army to flush militants out of the temple. Eighty-three armymen and 492 civilians died in Operation Bluestar, the single bloodiest confrontation in independent India's history of civil strife. Machine guns, light artillery, rockets and, eventually, battle tanks were used to overwhelm Bhindranwale and his mini army and the Akal Takht, the highest seat of temporal authority of the Sikhs, was reduced to a smoking ruin. In the maelstrom of Bluestar, Sundown and its extensive preparations got buried in RAW's secret archives.
Three decades later, Operation Sundown resurfaced in an unexpected location-London. On January 13, the United Kingdom was shocked by declassified letters dating to February 1984 that revealed that Margaret Thatcher's government had helped India on "a plan to remove Sikh extremists from the Golden Temple". This plan, according to a top-secret letter from the principal private secretary of then British foreign secretary Geoffrey Howe to the then home secretary Leon Brittan, was drawn up by an officer of the Special Air Services (SAS), UK's elite commando force. The letter, written four months before Bluestar, sparked fears of a backlash from the UK's Sikh community, prompting Prime Minister David Cameron to order an inquiry into the findings.
Festering Wound
Operation Bluestar still touches a raw nerve in India and abroad. On September 30, 2012, four Sikh youths attempted to murder retired Lt-Gen Kuldip Singh Brar on London's Oxford Street. Brar, who led Bluestar, and a frequent visitor to London, survived. Two of his attackers were handed down a 14-year sentence in December last year. The new revelations about a possible British role in the build-up to Bluestar have already inflamed passions. "This obviously raises huge questions over the role of the British government at the time," Labour MP Tom Watson told bbc on January 13. Watson's constituency, West Bromwich East, has many Sikh constituents. New Delhi has so far not responded to the revelations. Brar calls reports of sas involvement in Bluestar "utter nonsense".

At the Golden Temple after Bluestar
At the Golden Temple after Bluestar
Retired RAW officials and former members of its secret military wing, however, tell a different story. The sas assistance was not for Bluestar, a pure army assault, they told india today. It was to vet Operation Sundown, a commando raid. As revealed by B. Raman, former head of raw's counter-terrorism division, in his 2007 book The Kaoboys of R&AW, two MI-5 intelligence liaison officials at the British high commission had scouted the Golden Temple complex in December 1983. They briefed a senior sas officer sent by the UK to Delhi who deemed the special operation feasible. The sas expertise was sought by Mrs Gandhi's spy chief R.N. Kao who had a personal equation with several foreign intelligence chiefs.
Though Sundown was aborted, some of the commandos who had trained for it spearheaded a near-suicidal frontal assault on the heavily fortified Akal Takht during Bluestar and stayed till the last militant was flushed out of the temple three days later. This is one reason those officers, long since retired, refuse to be identified. "My anonymity is my only protection," says one of the officers who lives in a metro.
If Kao was unhappy with Mrs Gandhi's rejection of Sundown, he didn't show it. In fact, his thinking was in line with her extreme caution. Weeks earlier, RAW station chiefs in foreign capitals, particularly those with large Sikh expatriate populations, had warned Kao of the adverse fallout of a military operation to flush out the militants. Kao had personally led the parleys with overseas Sikh separatists to persuade Bhindranwale to vacate the Golden Temple. "They promised him a lot," says a former RAW chief who is close to Kao, "but delivered nothing." "Another possible reason for the commando operation being called off was the influence of a 'soft group' within the Congress headed by Rajiv Gandhi which favoured a negotiated settlement with Bhindranwale," says Mandeep Singh Bajwa, a Chandigarh-based analyst.
In January 1984, the government had instituted secret talks with Bhindranwale at the behest of Rajiv. But within four months, hardliners on both sides prevailed. In late April 1984, Satish Jacob of bbc's Delhi bureau saw trucks carrying construction material into the temple. He also saw a slim, fair man of medium height in a white salwar kameez and sporting a flowing beard. Major General Shabeg Singh was a war hero who had trained Mukti Bahini fighters in 1971 but was stripped of his rank and court-martialled on charges of corruption just before he was to retire in 1976. Now, as the military adviser of Bhindranwale, he oversaw conversion of the five-storeyed Akal Takht into a fortress. "We're doing it for the community," the soft-spoken former general told Jacob.
Indira Gandhi gives the Go-ahead
By May 1984, Punjab teetered on the brink. The daylight murder of dig A.S. Atwal inside the Golden Temple in April 1983 had paralysed Punjab Police into inaction. And the thousands of paramilitary personnel sent by Delhi after it dismissed the state government in October 1983 had failed to prevent the state's descent into chaos. On May 11, 1984, Bhindranwale rejected the final settlement offered by Mrs Gandhi's think tank led by Narasimha Rao to the Akali Dal. Soon after, Army chief General Arun Kumar Vaidya became a frequent visitor to Mrs Gandhi's office. Her personal secretary and confidant R.K. Dhawan was present at one of those half-hour meetings. "Gen Vaidya assured her there would be no casualties and there would be no damage to the Golden Temple," Dhawan told India Today. On June 2, talks with the Akalis collapsed.
As Mark Tully and Satish Jacob wrote in their 1985 book Amritsar: Mrs Gandhi's Last Battle, "Mrs Gandhi was not a decisive woman, she was very reluctant to act, and she only fought back when she was firmly pinned against the ropes." The Army was her last resort. She green-lit Operation Bluestar. Dhawan says two "extra-constitutional authorities" in Rajiv Gandhi's inner circle, who would later become key figures in his Cabinet, were responsible for her change of mind. "They told her the military option was the only solution," he says. The mantle fell on the Western Army commander, the flamboyant Lt-Gen Krishnaswamy Sundarji. He had briefly considered a plan to starve out the defenders but junked it fearing an uprising in the countryside.
Bluestar bloodbath
Shortly after 10.30 p.m. on June 5, 1984, 20 men in black dungarees stealthily entered the Golden Temple. They wore night-vision goggles, M-1 steel helmets, bulletproof vests and carried a mix of MP-5 submachine guns and AK-47 assault rifles. The men of sg's 56th Commando Company were then the only force in India trained for room intervention, the specialised art of fighting in confined spaces. Each commando was a sharpshooter, diver and parachutist and could do 40-km speed marches. Some of them wore gas masks and carried stubby gas guns meant to launch CX gas canisters, a more potent tear gas. Three months before this night, the commandos had stayed around the temple and rehearsed for Operation Sundown. Some of them still sported the beards they had grown for their undercover work as volunteers in the Golden Temple's langar. When the plan was called off, they returned to their base in Sarsawa. They had flown into Amritsar the previous day at the request of Lt-Gen Sundarji.
The three battalions that Lt-Gen Brar's 9th Infantry Division sent into the Golden Temple that night were trained to fight a conventional combat on the plains of Punjab and in the deserts of Rajasthan. They would overwhelm the enemy by sheer force of numbers. The commandos, who spearheaded the assault, made use of stealth, speed and surprise to achieve results. Soon after arriving, one of the sg officers had briefed Lt-Gen Ranjit Singh Dayal, Sundarji's chief of staff, on a plan to capture the Akal Takht by blowing off its rear wall. General Dayal, a paratrooper who had captured the Haji Pir pass in an unconventional operation in the 1965 war, immediately overruled it. "There must be no damage to the Akal Takht," he said. The commandos were to capture the sacred building by using gas to flush out the militants, he said.
The Army had clearly underestimated the defences. As soon as they entered the temple, a sniper shot the unit's radio operator clean through his helmet. The rest took cover in the long gallery of pillars that led to the Akal Takht. Light machine guns and carbines crackled from behind impregnable walls of the temple, their multiple gun flashes blinding the commandos' night-vision devices, forcing them to take them off. The commandos and infantry soldiers cautiously advanced, sheltering behind rows of pillars. Those who tried to advance towards the Akal Takht were cut down on the marble parikrama. An armoured personnel carrier bringing in troops was immobilised by a rocket-propelled grenade. "Shabeg knew the Army's Achilles heel," says an SG colonel. "He knew we couldn't fight in built-up areas."
Post-midnight, remnants of the sg unit and the Army's 1 Para huddled near a fountain at the base of the Akal Takht. The area between the Akal Takht and the Darshani Deori that led to the Golden Temple had turned into a killing zone, covered by Shabeg's light machine guns. Attempts by the para-commandos to storm the defences were repeatedly beaten back. They lost at least 17 men, their black dungaree-clad bodies lying prone on white marble. Commandos who tried to fire the CX gas canisters discovered that the Akal Takht's windows had been bricked up. The only openings were horizontal slots out of which machine guns poured deadly fire. The commandos neutralised two of the machine gun nests by dropping grenades into them but the Akal Takht was impregnable. Then, around 7.30 a.m. on June 5, three Vickers-Vijayanta tanks were deployed. They fired 105 mm shells and knocked down the walls of the Akal Takht. Commandos and infantrymen then moved in to mop up the defenders, tossing gas and lobbing grenades inside the building.
The temple premises resembled a medieval battlefield, one sg trooper recalls. Bloodied and blackened bodies lay scattered around the white temple parikrama. In the basement of the blackened, still-smoking ruin of the Akal Takht, the commandos found the body of Shabeg. The Army recovered 51 light machine guns, 31 of which had been concentrated around the Akal Takht. "Normally, an army unit (of around 800 soldiers) would deploy this quantum of firepower to cover an area of about eight km," Lt-Gen Brar recounted in his book Operation Blue Star: The True Story. Shabeg, he believed, wanted to hold out until daylight in the hope that there would be a popular uprising among the people when they get to know of the army action. The former war hero had extracted a bloody price on an army he felt had wronged him.
'Oh my God,' she said
Around 6 a.m. on June 6, 1984, the phone rang in R.K. Dhawan's Golf Links home. Minister of State for Defence K.P. Singh Deo wanted Dhawan to convey an urgent message to Mrs Gandhi. The operation was a success, he said, but there were heavy casualties-both armymen and civilians. Mrs Gandhi's first reaction was anguish. "Oh my God,†she told Dhawan. "They told me there would be no casualties."
It took the Army two more days to clear Bhindranwale's men from the temple's labyrinthine corridors. The commanding officer of the sg contingent, a lieutenant-colonel, was seriously wounded by a sniper as he escorted President Zail Singh around the temple on June 8.
Operation Bluestar inflamed Sikh sentiments and triggered a mutiny in certain Indian Army units. It also led to the death of Mrs Gandhi: Her two Sikh bodyguards gunned her down on October 31 that year. The communal holocaust in which over 8,000 Sikhs were murdered by mobs around the country-including 3,000 in Delhi-fanned another decade of insurgency in Punjab. In the aftermath of Mrs Gandhi's assassination, sg commandos, several of whom had seen action at the Golden Temple, were rushed to 7 Race Course Road to guard Rajiv Gandhi and his family round-the-clock for a year. They had plenty of time to wonder if history would have turned out differently had they been given the chance to carry out Operation Sundown.
Follow the writer on Twitter @SandeepUnnithan

R&AW's Special Group in Operation Bluestar



The league of shadows

Operation Bluestar: The league of shadows
Sandeep Unnithan  January 31, 2014 | UPDATED 00:23 IST
In early 1983, six army officers from a classified unit called the Special Group (SG) were flown to a secret base of Sayeret Matkal, the Israeli commando force that led the 1977 rescue of hostages from Entebbe airport in Uganda. The mission, coordinated by RAW with Mossad, was classified because India didn't have diplomatic ties with Israel and it did not want to anger its Arab friends. The officers trained in counter-terror-in carefully recreated landscapes of streets, buildings and vehicles-at the base near Tel Aviv for 22 days. The experience, an SG officer, now retired, recalls, was a culture shock for the Indians, coming as they did from a steeply hierarchical army: They were bemused to see women guarding Israeli Defense Forces headquarters and soldiers high-five their officers.
Special group commandos train at their base in Sarsawa
The newly trained officers would soon come in handy. New Delhi was hosting two summits in 1983 that would burnish Indira Gandhi's standing as a global leader-the Non-Aligned Summit in March and the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November-and it was keen to prevent terrorist attacks of the sort that had bedevilled the West through the 1960s and 1970s. The summits passed without event under SG's watchful eye.
Special group commandos train at their base in Sarsawa, Uttar Pradesh,in 1984
Special group commandos train at their base in Sarsawa, Uttar Pradesh,in 1984
SG was created in 1981. Till then, the Army had shown little interest in raising a specialised anti-terrorist force. So the government turned to the Directorate General Security, a covert unit set up by the Jawaharlal Nehru government with CIA's assistance after the 1962 war with China. The directorate, which had its own air wing, the Aviation Research Centre, and a paramilitary comprising Tibetans, the Special Frontier Force (SFF), was subsumed within raw when the external intelligence agency was created in 1968. In 1982, the directorate launched Project Sunray: It tasked a colonel of the Army's 10th Para/Special Forces to set up a unit of 250 officers and men, all Indians unlike SFF, in commando companies 55, 56 and 57.
The unit, housed in tents at the Sarsawa Indian Air Force base near Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh and christened Special Group, operated under the RAW chief. raw wanted to train the unit's officers with SAS--SG officers had recommended it after a tour of the British agency's training facility at Hereford-but the government turned down the proposal, apparently due to the high training cost of £5,000 per trooper. SG improvised its own training regimen; being directly under the Prime Minister's Cabinet Secretariat helped. "We just had to ask for equipment and it would be given," recalls a former SG officer. A request for over 100 bulletproof vests and tactical helmets was met almost overnight and the gear flown in from Israel.
Two special group officers at the Golden Temple during Bluestar
SG was then prepared for Operation Sundown and, after it was aborted, for Bluestar. Following Indira's assassination, SG men protected Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and his family until the government raised the Special Protection Group in 1985. Soon after, nearly 200 SG personnel were deputed to a new anti-terrorist force under the Union home ministry, the National Security Guard. The Special Group remains RAW's ultra-secret military unit for clandestine intelligence missions, the equivalent of CIA's Special Activities Division.
Follow the writer on Twitter @SandeepUnnithan

Thursday, 30 January 2014

the Operation Bluestar cover that never was.

this powerful 1998 rendition of Operation Bluestar by the London-based twins Amrit and Rabindra KD Kaur Singh was to have been the cover for the story on Operation Sundown. Was beaten to the finish line by another story.

more on the painting here

http://iseenostranger.com/content/recalling-tragedy-singh-twins-nineteen-eighty-four



Tuesday, 7 January 2014

Cambodia travel diary


Century-old fight for a Shiva shrine in Cambodia

Sandeep Unnithan   |   Mail Today  |   New Delhi, January 7, 2014 | UPDATED 17:37 IST
Sandeep Unnithan
The world's largest religious monument, Angkor Wat, is more than just Cambodia's biggest tourist draw. It is part of the Khmer cultural DNA. Its spires have figured in all seven versions of its national flag over a century. The country's hidden gem, however, lies on the border with Thailand over 140 kilometres north-east of Angkor's Vishnu temples.
And it is the spectacular 11th-century mountain temple of Preah Vihear (sacred city) built by the Khmer empire atop a 525-metre cliff on the Dangrek mountains.

The country's best shrine with a view is also one of Asia's most contentious. For over a century, this 900-year-old Shiva temple has been bitterly contested by Thailand and Cambodia. Think Siachen meets Machu Picchu. Thailand refused to recognise the maps drawn by Cambodia's erstwhile French colonial rulers and has frequently sent its army in to stake its claim to the shrine.
Both nations last skirmished here in February 2011, exchanging gunfire and lobbing artillery shells. Last November, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) decisively awarded the site to Cambodia.

The road that leads up to the temple from Thailand is closed and entry of Thai nationals banned even from the Cambodian side where passports are scrupulously checked. Vehicles have to be left behind at the foot of the mountain. Hired four-wheel drive vehicles take you up the five-kilometre concrete highway up the mountain. It soon becomes clear why.

The drive up the concrete highway, built a decade ago, is extraordinarily steep. Just like a trek up the mythical Mount Meru, abode of the Gods, which its ancient builders had tried to recreate. Gradient of over 40 degrees can swiftly make believers out of atheists.

Cambodian soldiers gleefully hop on for free rides. They are going where you are. The top is a heavily militarised zone: sand-bagged bunkers, razor wire, barely disguised gun emplacements and ammunition dumps in mountain caves. 

A modern-day echo of the stony jousts between the Deva and the Asuras carved on the temple's gateways. The 800-metre-long stone shrine is a long narrow rectangle. Its four sanctuaries are interlinked with pathways and five gopurams decorated with soaring serpents. Built by Suryavarman-I in the 11th century AD, the temple was put on UNESCO's list of World Heritage Sites in 2008.
A view of the gopurams at the Preah Vihar Shiva temple on the Cambodia-Thailand border.

This hitherto inaccessible mountain redoubt has been a witness to Cambodia's bloody recent history. The last government troops held out against the surge of the Khmer Rouge in 1975 before falling to cliff assaults and artillery bombardment.

The last Khmer Rouge guerillas finally surrendered here in 1998. The troops deployed around the temple are helpful, even indulgent. One of them sucks at his cigarette and offers you a peep through the gigantic bug eyes of his Russian-made PNB-1 surveillance scope. 

It overlooks a Thai flag a kilometre away. When the ICJ first awarded the temple to Cambodia in 1962, the Thai army refused to lower the national flag. They uprooted the flagpole with the flag still flying and planted it on a cliff on their side.

The last has not been heard on this dispute yet.

Taste the world from East Asia

Phnom Penh is a paradise for lovers of world cuisine. One reason is because the city caters to thousands of French, American, Australian and British nationals who work in over 3,500 registered non-governmental organisations in the country.

Mercifully, it is also a city where you can eat without burning a hole in your pocket. Neera Shah, an Australian national who works in a Phnom Penh-based NGO, lists her five favourite must-visit places: Luigis for Italian pizzas where all pizzas are between $8 and $10; Taqueria Corona for Tacos in $6; Chinese Noodle House that sells 10 dumplings for $1.50; the Café Green Bowl for the best Udon; and the 'Pork and rice man' for the best street food. 

The city's best watering hole is, of course, the Foreign Correspondent's Club located on two floors of a threestoreyed colonial building along the river.
Vacationing in the killing fields

The darkest paths of Cambodia's tourist trail are not in the jungles which overran the four-century old Khmer empire's temples. They are in its capital Phnom Penh. From here, the Khmer Rouge directed the 21st century's most horrific post-Second World War atrocities. The 'Red Khmers' under its crazed leader Pol Pot began a social engineering in 1975 to transform the country into a peasant society.

Cities were depopulated; the upper classes - intellectuals and poets, anyone with soft hands or spectacles - shipped to countryside camps.

Nearly 2 million perished before the Vietnamese army drove the regime out in 1979. Roland Joffe's haunting 1984 film The Killing Fields on the genocide is today a metaphor for the Capital's biggest tourist draws.

"Killing Fields? Tuol Sleng?" tuk-tuk drivers slow down and ask you. Tuol Sleng is a high school in the city centre where classrooms were converted into a torture facility called S-21. Over 10,000 citizens were murdered here. The Choeung Ek killing fields on the Capital's south-eastern fringes is the most notorious of the 30 death camps. The sonorous voice of a survivor on an audio guide directs visitors around the camp. Bullets were expensive, he informs. Camp guards often slit throats of inmates using the serrated edges of palm stems.
The writer is Deputy Editor, India Today

Friday, 20 December 2013

Why General Kalashnikov couldn't sell the AK in India



Why General Kalashnikov couldn't sell the AK in India

Sandeep Unnithan  New Delhi, December 30, 2013 | UPDATED 17:05 IST
Indian army soldiers with Romanian AK-47s in Srinagar. Photo: Sandeep Unnithan.
Russia's greatest small arms designer Lt General Mikhail Timofeyvich Kalashnikov was buried with full state honors in Moscow on December 27. The ceremony for the legendary gun designer, who died aged 94 on December 23, was attended by President Vladimir Putin.  

General Kalashnikov visited India only once, in February 2004 where he kicked up a row. The star attraction at Defexpo, a biennial defence exhibition in the capital, was being escorted around the stalls at Delhi's Pragati Maidan. He stood transfixed at the Indian Ordnance Factory board pavilion. On display there was a knock-off of his assault rifle with its distinctive banana shaped magazine. The pretense was so thinly veiled that the weapon was even called the 'AK-7'. The general made his disgust known. The OFB had illegally copied his design. His protest had an instant impact. OFB shelved the AK-7.  Izhmash, the Russian factory that has produced the rifle since it was accepted for service in 1947, however did not pursue the copyright violation. Andrey Vishnyakov, Izhmash's fast-talking sales manager told me it was purely business. Russia hoped to sell the OFB the rights to make genuine AK-47s. Roughly two-thirds of India's military hardware, MiG fighters, T-72 tanks and Kilo-class submarines, were of Soviet origin.

What had baffled the arms factory executive was that India had however not purchased the pinnacle of Soviet engineering design, the ruggedly simple AK-47 from Russia. They had instead, Vishniyakov told me ruefully, bought poorer cousins made in the Eastern Bloc. The Soviet Union had aggressively exported AK designs along with its ideology. But had not patented the design as rigorously. Now, its capitalist successor, the Russian Federation, felt the pinch from over a dozen countries that continued to manufacture the rifle.
An Andhra Pradesh police commando with a Bulgarian-made AK-47. Photo: Sandeep Unnithan.

The Indian army had discarded its bolt-action .303 Lee Enfield rifle after the debacle of the 1962 war. The venerable rifle had been outgunned by Chinese variants of the AK rifles. The Belgian FN-FAL L1A1 7.62 mm Self Loading Rifle license produced by the OFB since the 1962 war was obsolete by the 1980s when the Indian army found just why militants in Punjab, Kashmir and Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka favored the AK-47. Optimized for close range combat, light, easily-concealed, its tremendous firepower of over 600 rounds a minute, leveled the playing field for inferior forces. The rifle was rugged and required little maintenance and survived after being buried in muddy fields and immersed in water. These were lessons the US army had come up against fighting in Vietnam in the 1960s. But while the US replaced the bulky, self-loading M14 with the lighter M16 in the early years of Vietnam, the DRDO-designed indigenous Indian Small Arms Systems or INSAS assault rifle that promised deliverance, was still years away from induction in the 1980s. The Indian army looked at short term solutions. It equipped itself with some of over 12,000 AKs it had captured from insurgents in the mid-1990s. Many of these captured weapons were ironically, made in Russian factories like Izhmash and Tula.
The Rashtriya Rifles unit insignia. Photo: Sandeep Unnithan.

The army then turned to Romania, Bulgaria and erstwhile Czechoslovakia that made cheap AK variants. Among the first AKs purchased for the Indian army were the Czech-made VZ-58, an assault rifle that outwardly resembled the AK.

The rifle also filtered into Indian folklore. Sanjay Dutt was first jailed for possessing an 'AK-56' in 1993 (actually, a Norinco Type-56, the Chinese variant of the AK). The Rashtriya Rifles, an army formation that fights insurgency in J&K since 1990, has two crossed AK-47s as its unit insignia. Despite the induction of the indigenous INSAS rifle after the Kargil war in 1999, Indian army units in militancy affected regions continue to be equipped with the AK. India continues to be one of the world's largest importers of AK-type rifles. Again, these weapons aren't from Kalashnikovfactories in Russia but from Bulgaria. The home ministry has bought over 100,000 Bulgarian-made AKs in the past decade to equip police and paramilitary units.

AK-47s manufactured in Russia and China captured by the Indian army from infiltrators in the Keran sector in October this year. Photo: Sandeep Unnithan.
A Bulgarian AK-47 with its distinctive black plastic finish cost just Rs.22,000 in 2011. This was significantly cheaper than the Russian AK variant made in Izhmash andRs.5000 less than even the INSAS assault rifle. One home ministry official told me that the Bulgarian manufacturer, Arsenal, ran three shifts a day to keep up with the Indian order.  Against this AK onslaught from the erstwhile Eastern Bloc, Russia's Izhmash had only a small glimmer of hope, a modest sale of AK-103s, to the Marine commandos, a decade ago. Hopes of selling newer AK variants to the Indian army have faded. The Indian army is looking at a multi-calibre rifle, one that can shoot both 5.56 mm and 7.62 mm bullets, as the weapon to replace the INSAS and the AK-47. Izhmash now belatedly called the Kalashnikov concern since August this year, is out of the contest because it does not have such a weapon. Even Russia's other option, India's vast paramilitary forces, may soon be weaned away from AK imports. The OFB has developed yet another AK-47 clone, the Trichy Assault Rifle. India's fascination for the AK-47 continues. Only that General Kalashnikov's design may not roll out of a Russian factory.  

Friday, 13 December 2013

India Gets Dawood




Don comes home
India’s most wanted fugitive captured in sensational coastal raid on Dubai villa
SANDEEP UNNITHAN NEWDELHI MARCH10,2019


India awoke on a Sunday morning to the media event of the decade. Breathless TV an- chors screamed, reporters jostled over wires in the North Block briefing room. The series of photographs that electrified them showed a sullen, unshaved, middle-aged man in silken pyjamas surrounded by hooded men in black.
“We’ve brought Dawood Ibrahim to justice,” a sombre Home Minister Krishan Reddy said to a forest of micro- phones and flashbulbs. “He’ll face trial here,” he said.
Home Secretary Suresh Mathur would only confirm that the 64-year-old fugitive don
 had been physically identified
 by a Bollywood starlet to whom he had been briefly married. His DNA had matched those taken from his brother and sister in Dongri, Mumbai. He was being interrogated at an undisclosed destination.
The man designated as a
global terrorist in 2003 would
soon be handed over to
Maharashtra Police to stand
trial for masterminding the
March 12, 1993 serial blasts
that had killed 257 people. It
was widely speculated that the
don had surrendered. Another
version said he had been de-
ported from one of the Middle Eastern countries.
Details which trickled in through the day, however, pointed to a sensational ‘snatch and grab’ military opera- tion involving RAWmilitary wing and the navy.
The chase for Dawood had taken nearly five years and was spurred by the new Opposition-led Government. ‘Operation Mareech’ hit paydirt when the don’s weakness for cigarettes was discovered. The ‘Treasurer’ brand luxury cigarettes costing over $50 a pack were bought from the same shop in Bur Dubai since the early 1980s. Word of this leaked to the Indian intelligence agencies who infiltrated the retailer. In early 2019, they discovered the cigarettes were to be delivered to a private villa on Palm Jumeira. India’s most wanted man was planning to visit a private villa on the man-made island off the coast of the emirate.
A cargo dhow operated by a RAW front company crew- ed by Indian Navy marine commandos and operatives from the Special Group, a covert RAW force based in Sarsawa, had already made its way towards the Persian Gulf.
Five nautical miles off Palm Jumeira, the dozen commandos launched a Zodiac inflatable craft for the island. They knew exactly where the villa with the boat jetty was. They had recreated their target area and practised this mission dozens of times at a desolate beach in Karwar.
The don was lightly guarded. Years of unmolested travel into the Emirates had lulled him into complacency. His bodyguards were neutralised. His first reaction reportedly was one of shock. Then, denial. “I am Anis,” he shouted, the name on the fake Pakistani passport he was car- rying. He was photographed, blindfolded and rushed out into the dhow. The dhow emitted a burst of coded messages to an orbiting naval communications satellite. The boat sped north- wards towards the Strait of Hormuz where it made contact with INS Chakra, an Indian nuclear submarine waiting off the UAE coast.
The dhow was sunk to the seabed after the crew broadcast a fake distress signal. Watched by a high-flying P-8I Poseidon spy plane, the valuable cargo was bundled into the submarine which had made a risky trip around the peninsula into the shallow waters of the Gulf. They could not risk the lumbering dhow spending time on the surface. The vessel then dived and made a swift submerged passage to Mumbai.
The incident has already kicked off a diplomatic furore.
The Gulf nations termed it an invasion and planned eco- nomic and diplomatic retaliation. Pakistan was strangely silent. The Opposition hailed the armed forces and intelligence agencies for capturing the fugitive, but castigated the ruling party for making electoral capital out of his arrest. The don had been arrested just weeks before the country went in to elect the 17th Lok Sabha.
Follow the writer on Twitter @SandeepUnnithan